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By Hoshang Amiri Mojtaba Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Iranian regime, appointed Mohsen Rezaei as his representative to the Supreme National Security Council on August 9, 2026. Hours later, Iranian regime president Masoud Pezeshkian appointed him secretary of the council. Seventy-one-year-old Mohsen Rezaei was one of the founders of the IRGC Intelligence Unit before becoming commander of the Iran-Iraq War. In 1981, at the age of 27, he became commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), a position he held for 16 years—the longest tenure as commander of the force. During his tenure, the IRGC’s ground, naval, and air forces were established, the Khatam al-Anbiya Headquarters was founded, and the IRGC evolved from a paramilitary force into military, security, and economic power. Rezaei’s name, however, is most closely associated with the Iran-Iraq War, from major operations to decisions whose human cost is still debated. Karbala-4: Defeat Under the Name of Deception Th...

  By Sadegh Pashm-Foroush The day after the announcement of the results of Iran’s sham presidential election, Iranian regime supreme leader Ali Khamenei summoned the remaining members of the government of former regime president Ebrahim Raisi, who died in a helicopter crash on May 19. In his remarks to them—indirectly addressing new regime president Massoud Pezeshkian—he warned him and reminded him of the “model” of the president in the regime. The supreme leader repeatedly mentioned Raisi and said, “He is truly a model; we must all learn from him.” He then reiterated the concept of “heartfelt belief and practical commitment” to the regime, which Pezeshkian, like all the election candidates, had committed to. Khamenei stated, “Dear Raisi demonstrated as a model that one can possess these mental, heartfelt, and practical qualities as the president of a country and follow them in practice.” Of course, before the sham election, Pezeshkian repeatedly stated that he would continue Raisi...

  By Shamsi Saadati What happened in the first and second rounds of Iranian regime’s sham presidential election in July 2024 was a nationwide referendum that called for the overthrow of the regime. Once again, it was clear that the main divide in Iran is not between the various factions of this regime, but between the people and the tyrants ruling the country. The slogan “My vote is regime change” was the main message of the people. The remnants of the so-called reformist movement tried to distort this main divide and reduce it to a power struggle between different regime factions. But the display of election boycott and overthrow was so strong that it forced regime supreme leader Ali Khamenei to accept the presidency of Massoud Pezeshkian, a so-called reformist who has expressed his full allegiance to the criminal supreme leader. This brings no benefit to the Supreme Leader, nor does it count as a revival of the so-called reforms. Correcting a misnomer The use of the term “reform”...

  By Sadegh Pashm-Foroush Five days after Iran’s people massively boycotted the first round of the regime’s sham presidential elections on June 28, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei was forced to admit, “In the first stage, participation was less than we expected,” and added dismissively, “If anyone thinks those who did not vote did so because they opposed the system, this understanding is completely wrong.” He then openly laid the groundwork for fraud and manipulation, promising higher participation in the second round. The desperate supreme leader, despite repeated pleas and requests, faced a  91% boycott  in the second round. He ridiculously combined the fraudulent votes from both rounds and claimed, “The people came out… they filled the ballot boxes with over 55 million votes in two stages!… This great movement, in confronting the artificial uproar of the election boycott created by the enemies of the Iranian nation to instill despair and deadlock, is a brilliant and unforg...

  By Matin Karim Within the span of a week, the world saw two very contrasting picture of the Iranian people and their desires. On the one hand were the first and second round of the Iranian regime’s sham presidential elections, held on June 28 and July 5, which were met with an unprecedented boycott by the Iranian people. And on the other hand was the Free Iran 2024 World Summit, held on June 29–July 1 in France and Germany, which was welcomed by Iranians across the world and supported by politician, jurists, and activists. What we don’t want On June 28, at the ballot box, Iranian regime supreme leader Ali Khamenei, once again begged the people to participate in the elections, saying, “People should not hesitate to participate in the elections. The survival, strength, dignity, and reputation of the Islamic Republic in the world depend on the people’s presence.” A few days earlier, he had reiterated the connection between the elections and the future of his regime in a different wa...

  By Sadegh Pashm-Foroush To understand the scale of the Iranian regime’s defeat by the nationwide boycott of the Iranian people in the 2024 elections, we must look back at previous events. On September 18, 2020, Iranian regime supreme leader Ali Khamenei, in a meeting with the plainclothes agents under the title “representatives of student organizations,” said that the remedy for the regime and the way to overcome its widespread crises was a “young and Hezbollahi government. By “young” and “Hezbollahi,” he meant, as he had previously mentioned, employing criminals and executioners like the terror master Qassem Soleimani and Ebrahim Raisi in the executive power structure. He thought that by elevating the most notorious executioner of the 1988 massacre, Ebrahim Raisi, and removing the useless and troublesome elements from his system, he could achieve, in his own words, a “young Hezbollahi government,” which he saw as a solution to the regime’s problems. In those days, he was very co...