By Hoshang Amiri Mojtaba Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Iranian regime, appointed Mohsen Rezaei as his representative to the Supreme National Security Council on August 9, 2026. Hours later, Iranian regime president Masoud Pezeshkian appointed him secretary of the council. Seventy-one-year-old Mohsen Rezaei was one of the founders of the IRGC Intelligence Unit before becoming commander of the Iran-Iraq War. In 1981, at the age of 27, he became commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), a position he held for 16 years—the longest tenure as commander of the force. During his tenure, the IRGC’s ground, naval, and air forces were established, the Khatam al-Anbiya Headquarters was founded, and the IRGC evolved from a paramilitary force into military, security, and economic power. Rezaei’s name, however, is most closely associated with the Iran-Iraq War, from major operations to decisions whose human cost is still debated. Karbala-4: Defeat Under the Name of Deception Th...
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Swedish court acknowledges important documents of Iran’s 1988 massacre
The mullahs’ regime ruling Iran has for nearly four decades tried to either completely deny the 1988 massacre of over 30,000 political prisoners, justify it as a judicial ruling, or minimize the scope of this crime against humanity through its network of apologists and lobbyists.
On Tuesday, March 8, however, the its efforts suffered a major blow during the ongoing court hearings of Hamid Noury, a former regime functionary involved in the 1988 massacre who is on trial in Stockholm. Mr. Kenneth Lewis, the lawyer representing the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), presented damning documents to the court, including the hand-written fatwa issued by Ruhollah Khomeini, the first Iranian regime Supreme Leader who ordered the annihilation of all PMOI/MEK members and supporters.
The other documents presented to the court were a letter written by Abdolkarim Mousavi Ardabili, Khomeini’s chief justice in 1988, the criminal justifications expressed by Ali Khamenei, then regime president and now Supreme Leader; remarks from Mohammad Yazdi, a former judiciary chief of Khamenei’s regime; remarks by former intelligence minister Ali Fallahian,and the current regime President Ebrahim Raisi, who himself played a direct role in sending prisoners to the gallows during the 1988 massacre.
Through these documents Mr. Lewis came to this conclusion that based on Khomeini’s fatwa the executions of the 1988 massacre—targeting mostly PMOI/MEK members and supporters—were not only carried in Tehran’s Evin Prison and Gohardasht Prison of Karaj, west of Tehran, but in all prisons across Iran.
The most important document presented in this court session was a telegram dispatched by Iranian Resistance leader Massoud Rajavi to the late Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, then Secretary-General of the United Nations, on August 25, 1988 when the executions were ongoing in Iran. Through his telegram message Mr. Rajavi for the first time spoke of the massacre of PMOI/MEK prisoners under orders from Khomeini himself, including the transfer of 860 corpses from Evin Prison to Tehran’s famous Behesht-e Zahra Cemetery during the two weeks prior to the telegram.
So powerful were the documents that Noury, who had been continuing the deny the existence of the fatwa was ultimately compelled to acknowledge that such a ruling had indeed been issued.
Mr. Rajavi also referred to the arrest of 10,000 people across Iran, in reference to PMOI/MEK supporters being arrested as the massacre was launched. This made it palpably clear that Khomeini and the mullahs’ regime were not satisfied with the mere execution of imprisoned PMOI/MEK members and supporters. In fact, the regime was taking measures to completely eradicate all PMOI/MEK supporters, including former prisoners already released.
In his telegram the Iranian Resistance leader called on the then UN Secretary-General to immediately dispatch a delegation to visit Khomeini’s prisons. Another similar telegram and letter were again sent to the UN Secretary-General and various international human rights organizations.
However, due to the shameless appeasement policy pursued by many countries throughout the world, these calls for justice fell on deaf ears.
Nevertheless, The PMOI/MEK and Iranian Resistance, continued to seek justice for the 1988 massacre victims. While the Iranian regime was and has been using it petrodollars to encourage foreign governments to remain silent on its crimes, and especially the 1988 massacre. To overcome the Western powers ambivalence and inaction, Mrs. Maryam Rajavi, President-elect of the Iranian opposition coalition National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), has been waging a campaign for justice movement since 2016.
This includes defeating and neutralizing various plots pursued by the mullahs’ regime. One of the most significant of these plots has become clearer during the court hearings of Hamid Noury. The Iranian regime has been focusing on using these procedures to completely deny the 1988 massacre and downgrade the importance of the ongoing movement seeking justice for the 1988 massacre victims.
Tehran’s initiative, however, was neutralized through the presentation of the abovementioned documents in Tuesday’s hearings, parallel to testimonies delivered by dozens of former political prisoners.
Written by Mansoureh Galestan On Friday, January 21, Dr. Javad Safari, a retired university lecturer, committed suicide due to financial difficulties and after not receiving his pension for months. His tragic death once again highlights how the Iranian regime’s plunder and corruption have devastated people’s lives. Meanwhile, news broke out that in November, Hojat Abdolmaleki, the regime’s Minister of Cooperatives, Labor, and Social Welfare, has “donated” 60 billion rials (roughly $1.5M USD) to a TV game show. Abdolmaleki’s ministry controls Iran’s Social Security Organization, National Pension Organization, Social Security Investment Company (Shasta). The fate of Dr. Javad Safari, his family, and other Iranian pensioners is in the hands of the likes of Abdolmaleki. In a letter to Abdolmaleki, Ali Foroughi, the director of state-run Channel 3 TV, asked for a 480 billion rials investment for making 780 episodes of the “Square” contest. In less than 24 hours, Abdolmaleki...
By Dr. Majid Rafizadeh. On Wednesday, the Iranian Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS) announced that it had arrested three individuals on charges of spying for the Israeli intelligence service, Mossad. The identity of the persons in question or the evidence that led to allegations against them were not revealed. Vulnerable political parties or authoritarian regimes that lack an agenda for prosperity and development have always invoked foreign boogeymen, in that they are useful to blame for one’s failures. For example, In 1980, the mullahs provoked their western neighbor into war and used the “the divine blessing”— as former Supreme Leader Ruhollah Khomeini put it — to wipe out domestic opposition. The Mujahedin-e-Khalq (PMOI), the People’s Fedayeen Organization, or any progressive movement that would have dared to speak out for democracy or women’s rights faced brutal crackdown, as a fifth columnist. The Irania...
By Hoshang Amiri Mojtaba Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Iranian regime, appointed Mohsen Rezaei as his representative to the Supreme National Security Council on August 9, 2026. Hours later, Iranian regime president Masoud Pezeshkian appointed him secretary of the council. Seventy-one-year-old Mohsen Rezaei was one of the founders of the IRGC Intelligence Unit before becoming commander of the Iran-Iraq War. In 1981, at the age of 27, he became commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), a position he held for 16 years—the longest tenure as commander of the force. During his tenure, the IRGC’s ground, naval, and air forces were established, the Khatam al-Anbiya Headquarters was founded, and the IRGC evolved from a paramilitary force into military, security, and economic power. Rezaei’s name, however, is most closely associated with the Iran-Iraq War, from major operations to decisions whose human cost is still debated. Karbala-4: Defeat Under the Name of Deception Th...
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