By Hoshang Amiri Mojtaba Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Iranian regime, appointed Mohsen Rezaei as his representative to the Supreme National Security Council on August 9, 2026. Hours later, Iranian regime president Masoud Pezeshkian appointed him secretary of the council. Seventy-one-year-old Mohsen Rezaei was one of the founders of the IRGC Intelligence Unit before becoming commander of the Iran-Iraq War. In 1981, at the age of 27, he became commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), a position he held for 16 years—the longest tenure as commander of the force. During his tenure, the IRGC’s ground, naval, and air forces were established, the Khatam al-Anbiya Headquarters was founded, and the IRGC evolved from a paramilitary force into military, security, and economic power. Rezaei’s name, however, is most closely associated with the Iran-Iraq War, from major operations to decisions whose human cost is still debated. Karbala-4: Defeat Under the Name of Deception Th...
The Iranian regime’s Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) have made it clear that they will not allow any compromise on their terrorist activities and the development of ballistic missiles. In a statement published on March 31, the IRGC declared that “Iran’s missile capability and its regional influence is linked to the name of the Revolutionary Guards” and is a “red line” for the regime. “We explicitly declare that powerful Iran never defined its path to deterrence power and guaranteed security based on the whims of the rulers of the White House and their evil allies, and it will not change its path through their evil pressure, threats, or media and evil propaganda.”
This is a response to recent reports about the global sentiment toward ongoing negotiations between Tehran and world powers over the regime’s nuclear program. Politicians and lawmakers in the U.S. and in the Middle East region are increasingly vocal about the need for a deal that provides a holistic approach to the multitude of threats that Iran’s regime poses, including its terrorist activities and its ballistic missile program.
There’s no denying that these are pivotal issues. The 2015 nuclear deal, formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), exclusively focused on Tehran’s nuclear program. As a result, the regime used the windfall cash and economic benefits of the agreement to further fund its terrorist proxies in the region and accelerate its ballistic missile program—and at the same time continue its illicit nuclear activities in secret.
So far, the solution that Tehran’s interlocutors have been pursuing is one that, at best, beats around the bush. According to various reports, instead of bringing the regime’s terrorist threat—and its main actor, the IRGC—front and center in the nuclear talks, Western politicians are trying to tame the regime through incentives.
But as reports of the potential delisting of the IRGC emerged, the Guards launched a missile attack against Erbil, Iraq, on March 13 and officials claimed responsibility for the attack.
Then on March 23, a new report indicated that the U.S. has proposed to delist the IRGC if the regime commits to de-escalation in the region and abandons plans to assassinate American officials. Many observers scoffed at the quid pro quo, noting that such a commitment would be worth the paper it has been written on, noting the history of the Iranian regime breaching its international obligations and even its own constitution.
Not only did the regime reject the proposition, but it carried out another act of aggression. The Houthis, a Yemeni terrorist group backed and funded by Iran’s regime, attacked oil facilities in Saudi Arabia on March 25. In recent months, the Houthis have carried out several similar missile and drone attacks at the behest of their masters in Tehran.
And now, the latest announcement by the IRGC indicates that this regime has no intention of toning down its provocative activities.
There’s no new lesson to be learned. Decades of failed appeasement have proven that the regime will not abandon terrorism. The IRGC thrives on causing insecurity in the region and across the globe. It is its raison d’être. Terrorism and warmongering are key pillars of the foreign policy of the mullahs’ regime, a fact that the regime’s own officials have acknowledged time and again.
Those who think they can address the regime’s threats through incentives and concessions are only doomed to repeat the failures of their predecessors.
This article was first published by english.mojahedin
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By Hoshang Amiri Mojtaba Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Iranian regime, appointed Mohsen Rezaei as his representative to the Supreme National Security Council on August 9, 2026. Hours later, Iranian regime president Masoud Pezeshkian appointed him secretary of the council. Seventy-one-year-old Mohsen Rezaei was one of the founders of the IRGC Intelligence Unit before becoming commander of the Iran-Iraq War. In 1981, at the age of 27, he became commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), a position he held for 16 years—the longest tenure as commander of the force. During his tenure, the IRGC’s ground, naval, and air forces were established, the Khatam al-Anbiya Headquarters was founded, and the IRGC evolved from a paramilitary force into military, security, and economic power. Rezaei’s name, however, is most closely associated with the Iran-Iraq War, from major operations to decisions whose human cost is still debated. Karbala-4: Defeat Under the Name of Deception Th...
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