Veteran War Commander Takes Over Iranian Regime Security Council

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By Hoshang Amiri Mojtaba Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Iranian regime, appointed Mohsen Rezaei as his representative to the Supreme National Security Council on August 9, 2026. Hours later, Iranian regime president Masoud Pezeshkian appointed him secretary of the council. Seventy-one-year-old Mohsen Rezaei was one of the founders of the IRGC Intelligence Unit before becoming commander of the Iran-Iraq War. In 1981, at the age of 27, he became commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), a position he held for 16 years—the longest tenure as commander of the force. During his tenure, the IRGC’s ground, naval, and air forces were established, the Khatam al-Anbiya Headquarters was founded, and the IRGC evolved from a paramilitary force into military, security, and economic power. Rezaei’s name, however, is most closely associated with the Iran-Iraq War, from major operations to decisions whose human cost is still debated. Karbala-4: Defeat Under the Name of Deception Th...

The implications of the failed presidential election for Iran’s regime

 


By Sadegh Pashm-Foroush

To understand the scale of the Iranian regime’s defeat by the nationwide boycott of the Iranian people in the 2024 elections, we must look back at previous events.

On September 18, 2020, Iranian regime supreme leader Ali Khamenei, in a meeting with the plainclothes agents under the title “representatives of student organizations,” said that the remedy for the regime and the way to overcome its widespread crises was a “young and Hezbollahi government.

By “young” and “Hezbollahi,” he meant, as he had previously mentioned, employing criminals and executioners like the terror master Qassem Soleimani and Ebrahim Raisi in the executive power structure.

He thought that by elevating the most notorious executioner of the 1988 massacre, Ebrahim Raisi, and removing the useless and troublesome elements from his system, he could achieve, in his own words, a “young Hezbollahi government,” which he saw as a solution to the regime’s problems. In those days, he was very confident and dreamed of an “Islamic government,” “Islamic society,” and “Islamic civilization, which in fact are euphemisms for a monolithic government and absolute oppression. However, it must be clarified that these dreams were not from a position of power; they were born out of fear of the rising widespread uprisings.

It didn’t take long for this bubble of long dreams to burst and wake Khamenei from his nap. Raisi’s demise popped this bubble, and the strategy of unifying and purifying the regime evaporated overnight.

Just as Ruhollah Khomeini, in the eight-year war with Iraq, out of fear of falling in Tehran after the operation of the National Liberation Army of Iran in Mehran, accepted a forced ceasefire and drank the chalice of poison, Khamenei was also forced to drink the chalice of poison of Raisi’s demise. The effects of this poison were evident in the 2024 elections in the form of splits and fractures.

What was heard in the 2024 elections was the voice of 88 percent of the people who boycotted the ballot boxes in the first round and 91 percent who refused to vote in the second round. This boycott imposed a new condition on the supreme leader. This decisive and nationwide boycott is the product of a series of previous uprisings. It indicates an explosive atmosphere in a society that thinks of nothing but the overthrow of the regime. It is the concentration of silent social protests that have manifested as an undeniable presence, to the point of terrifying Khamenei. He was forced to deceitfully say, “The notion that those who did not vote in the first round are against the regime is completely wrong. ”

Contrary to the beliefs of the supreme leader and regime officials, the vote of most of the Iranian people is a protest the current situation and a desire to overthrow this regime. They are aware of the implications and significance of their decision. This is the most crucial factor in shaping the current situation.

This boycott was so serious, significant, undeniable, and consequential that it imposed a rift in Khamenei’s ranks right from the start. Considering the backlash of terrorist adventurism in the Middle East and other factors like the US elections, the regime will face tough times ahead. It is obvious that Khamenei will try to strengthen the shadow government more than ever to counter the effects of the disastrous election. But the presence of a vigilant and alert Resistance movement will thwart his plans.

In the new conditions, Khamenei must deal with foreign crises, domestic unrest, and widening rifts in his ranks, which will further weaken his strength and reign in the face of the uprising.

This article was first published by english.mojahedin

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